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Ukraine-Russia war latest: CIA chief ‘told Russian counterpart to make peace with Kyiv’ on mysterious Moscow trip

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Kyiv region faces repeated strikes as rescuers continue work

The head of the CIA told his Russian counterpart to make a deal with Ukraine as Moscow’s position deteriorates during a secretive visit this week, according to a report.

US officials told the New York Times that CIA director John Ratcliffe presented FSB chief Aleksandr Bortnikov with evidence of the enormous price Russia has paid for relatively small gains in Ukraine, attributed to Kyiv’s “mastery” of drone technology.

The CIA boss urged that Russia should enter serious negotiations with Ukraine to end the war given their difficulties on the ground and mounting economic woes, the sources claimed in comments to the newspaper.

Mr Ratcliffe flew to Russia on Tuesday to meet briefly with his intelligence counterparts in the first visit by a CIA director since 2021, when William Burns warned Russia against sending troops into Ukraine.

Two sources familiar with the matter told Reuters that Ratcliffe also brought up the possibility of a Russian operation against a Nato member and Russia’s continued support for Iran during the meeting.

Russia nonetheless on Thursday warned that British military installations and equipment in and outside of Ukraine could be targeted in response to Ukrainian strikes on Russian territory carried out using British weapons, after the UK offered Kyiv access to technology to make missiles.

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Recap: What head of CIA told Russian counterpart on secretive visit to Moscow

The head of the CIA told his Russian counterpart to make a deal with Ukraine as Moscow’s position deteriorates during a secretive visit this week, according to a report.

US officials told the New York Times that CIA director John Ratcliffe presented FSB chief Aleksandr Bortnikov with evidence of the enormous price Russia has paid for relatively small gains in Ukraine, attributed to Kyiv’s “mastery” of drone technology.

The CIA boss urged that Russia should enter serious negotiations with Ukraine to end the war given their difficulties on the ground and mounting economic woes, the sources claimed in comments to the newspaper.

Mr Ratcliffe flew to Russia on Tuesday to meet briefly with his intelligence counterparts in the first visit by a CIA director since 2021, when William Burns warned Russia against sending troops into Ukraine.

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Firefighters work at the site of a household and construction item shopping mall, as smoke and fire rise after Russian drone strikes, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine August 28, 2026

Firefighters work at the site of a household and construction item shopping mall, as smoke and fire rise after Russian drone strikes, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine August 28, 2026 (Reuters)

(Reuters)

(Reuters)

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C.I.A. Chief Delivered Bleak Assessment of Russia’s War in Secretive Moscow Visit

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John Ratcliffe’s meeting this week with a Russian intelligence chief was aimed at pushing the Kremlin to pursue a peace deal with Ukraine.

John Ratcliffe, the C.I.A. director, delivered an urgent message to Aleksandr V. Bortnikov, the head of Russia’s F.S.B. intelligence service this week in a secret visit to Moscow.Credit...Kenny Holston/The New York Times

John Ratcliffe, the C.I.A. director, made a secretive visit to Moscow this week to privately share his bleak assessment of the state of the Russian war against Ukraine, and to urge the Russians to cut a deal before their military and economic situation gets worse, current and former officials said.

Mr. Ratcliffe delivered the message to Aleksandr V. Bortnikov, the head of Russia’s F.S.B. intelligence service, and made no threats about potential consequences for the Russian side should President Vladimir V. Putin ignore the C.I.A. director’s assessment and choose to continue fighting.

C.I.A. analysts have long questioned whether Mr. Putin’s advisers have given him honest assessments of the war’s trajectory and toll.

The C.I.A. has long maintained communications channels with the F.S.B. and Russia’s foreign intelligence service, which is known as the S.V.R.

Officials said Mr. Ratcliffe’s intelligence channel with Bortnikov runs parallel to separate channels that President Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff, and Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, have established with other senior advisers to Mr. Putin.

Some officials said they hoped that Mr. Putin, a former intelligence officer himself, would see a message from the C.I.A. director as more urgent and credible than communications through normal diplomatic channels.

Want to stay updated on what’s happening in Russia and Ukraine? , and we’ll send our latest coverage to your inbox.

For much of last year, Mr. Trump and some of his top advisers appeared to hold the belief that a Russian battlefield victory over Ukraine was inevitable because of Russia’s larger population and its nuclear arsenal.

But the Russians have suffered massive losses, and their battlefield gains have stalled.

It is not clear whether Mr. Ratcliffe’s message presaged any change in U.S. policy toward Russia or Ukraine.

Mr. Ratcliffe’s visit was the latest effort by the Trump administration to breathe new life into stalled negotiations. It has become increasingly clear that Ukraine is not going to give up its fight in the east, even with reduced U.S. military support.

Given what he presented as the bleak military and economic reality for Russia, Mr. Ratcliffe told Mr. Bortnikov that he believed it was time for Moscow to engage in serious negotiations to end the war.

Since Mr. Trump’s return to office, the United States has scaled back its military support to the Ukrainians, forcing them to rely more heavily on European partners.

The C.I.A. has maintained its close intelligence partnerships with the Ukrainians, which began more than a decade ago.

The private message that Mr. Ratcliffe delivered to Mr. Bortnikov about Ukraine echoed some of the director’s public statements.

Last month, Mr. Ratcliffe spoke out pointedly about Russian troop losses during the war, and Moscow’s inability to advance on the battlefield. He noted that the life expectancy of a Russian soldier on the front lines was less than 35 minutes.

And he added that Russia had gained only about 1 percent of Ukraine’s total territory in the 18 months since he became C.I.A. director, a development he attributed to Ukraine’s “mastery” of drone technology.

Before Mr. Ratcliffe met with Mr. Bortnikov in Moscow, he spoke with his Ukrainian counterparts, assuring them that he would be exploring Russian positions, not making concessions on behalf of the Ukrainians.

European diplomats believe there may be an opening to secure a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine in the coming winter months, given the largely stalled Russian offensive in the Donbas, and because of Ukraine’s ability to continue imposing deep costs on Russia with its drone warfare.

Some of those European officials have been pressing the Trump administration to add a national security official to the mix of officials pressing the Russians for a peace deal, someone who could deliver the kind of tough message Mr. Ratcliffe delivered this week.

The Ukrainians have long viewed Mr. Witkoff and Mr. Kushner as too close to the Russians. They view Mr. Ratcliffe, a longtime Russia hawk, as a potentially more neutral mediator.

Mr. Trump has repeatedly used Mr. Ratcliffe as a discreet messenger.

In January, he became the first cabinet-level official to visit Venezuela after U.S. special operation forces seized President Nicolás Maduro.

In May, he traveled to Cuba, giving its leaders a bleak assessment of the state of the Cuban economy in the face of a U.S. oil blockade. He urged the country to make a series of sweeping political and economic changes before the situation got worse.

Direct contacts between U.S. and Russian spy chiefs have been sporadic in recent years.

In November 2021, William J. Burns, the C.I.A. director in the Biden administration, met face to face in Moscow with Mr. Bortnikov and other top Russian officials to warn Mr. Putin against launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

A year later, in November 2022, Turkey hosted a face-to-face meeting in Ankara between Mr. Burns and Sergei Naryshkin, the leader of Russia’s foreign intelligence service. U.S. intelligence agencies had intercepted Russian communications about the possible use of a nuclear device by the Russians to slow Ukrainian advances in that fall’s counteroffensive. Mr. Burns warned Mr. Naryshkin of serious consequences if the Russians acted on the alleged threat.

The Turkish hosts wanted the meeting to be the start of a lasting channel of direct communication between Washington and Moscow to reduce tensions. But the C.I.A. was angry at Moscow when, after the meeting, the Russian side made it public. Mr. Burns and Mr. Naryshkin did not have a second face-to-face meeting, though they continued to communicate occasionally by phone.

After Mr. Trump took office last year, Mr. Ratcliffe and Mr. Bortnikov worked out the details of a prisoner swap, but this week’s face-to-face meeting in Moscow was their first.

Adam Entous is a Washington-based investigative reporter for The Times, focused on national security and intelligence matters.

Julian E. Barnes covers the U.S. intelligence agencies and international security matters for The Times. He has written about security issues for more than two decades.

A version of this article appears in print on Aug. 28, 2026, Section

A

, Page

8

of the New York edition

with the headline:

C.I.A. Chief Delivered Bleak View of Russia’s War in a Visit to Moscow. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

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Russia says UK ‘playing with fire’ amid reports CIA chief has warned Kremlin not to attack Nato

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Ukraine-Russia war latest: New details of CIA chief’s Kremlin trip emerge after Trump makes first comment

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Trump issues first comment on CIA chief’s mysterious visit to Moscow

Trump issues first comment on CIA chief’s mysterious visit to Moscow

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People watch as smoke rises over a warehouse, which was hit by a Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv region, Ukraine, August 27, 2026.

People watch as smoke rises over a warehouse, which was hit by a Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv region, Ukraine, August 27, 2026. (Reuters)

A man looks on as smoke rises over a warehouse, which was hit by a Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv region, Ukraine, August 27, 2026.

A man looks on as smoke rises over a warehouse, which was hit by a Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv region, Ukraine, August 27, 2026. (Reuters)

Smoke rises over a warehouse, which was hit by a Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv region, Ukraine, August 27, 2026.

Smoke rises over a warehouse, which was hit by a Russian drone strike, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv region, Ukraine, August 27, 2026. (Reuters)

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Why did Trump’s CIA director make a mysterious short trip to Moscow?

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Ratcliffe's 2026 Moscow Trip Hypotheses

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Ratcliffe’s Moscow Mission: A Multi-Issue Crisis Negotiation?

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When the conventional diplomatic channels we know in international relations become blocked, or when storms whipped up by the mainstream media make an issue impossible to resolve, there is a familiar mechanism that the machinery of state immediately puts into operation, backchannel diplomacy and contacts conducted through intelligence services. CIA Director John Ratcliffe’s brief and highly turbulent visit to Moscow should be read precisely from this perspective.
As will be recalled, the flow of contacts between the CIA and Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service, the SVR, essentially gained momentum with William Burns’s visit to Moscow at the end of 2021. It subsequently settled into a framework of conflict management, in which the parties’ red lines were, in a sense, established during the talks held in Ankara in November 2022. However, Ratcliffe’s latest contacts in Moscow, which lasted only eight hours, carry a far different and harsher significance from the previous meetings, both in terms of their timing and the weight of the issues the parties brought to the table.
Lavrov’s Challenge and Ratcliffe as the “Bad Cop”
Immediately before the visit, on August 14, Russia sent an official note to the U.S. Department of State, asking an extremely clear question: “What operational intelligence are you providing to Ukraine, and what is your role in the strikes against civilian targets inside Russia?”
Although Sergey Lavrov avoided directly describing this as an ultimatum, he effectively conveyed the following message to Washington: “Through the weapons, intelligence, and Starlink infrastructure you are providing, you are directly involved in this war.” Indeed, on the Moscow side, it is being openly asserted that 80 percent of the intelligence flowing to Ukraine originates directly from the United States, and that the routes of unmanned aerial vehicles are even being plotted personally by American, British, and French officers.
The reflection of this tension on the ground was not limited to rhetoric. By recently recalling its ambassador to London to Moscow for consultations, Russia officially demonstrated that tensions with Britain had reached the brink of rupture. Another important detail being discussed behind the scenes is that Russia had personally placed before Ratcliffe concrete documents allegedly proving the direct operational involvement of NATO countries in drone attacks carried out against targets deep inside Russia.
On the other hand, the Trump administration’s decision to send Ratcliffe, who represents the hawkish wing, to Moscow instead of more flexible figures such as Steve Witkoff or Kushner, who might be considered “good cops,” was a highly deliberate choice. Ratcliffe, unlike his predecessor Burns, appears to possess little of the finesse required in diplomatic corridors or the governmental experience necessary to manage nuclear escalation with composure. He is known more as a political actor defined by his absolute loyalty to Trump.
Clearly, Washington did not come here seeking a basis for normalization or compromise. Rather, it appears to have come to engage in an arm-wrestling match and to test the Kremlin’s psychology regarding its famous red lines by dumping unpleasant and painful dossiers onto the table.
What Are the Russian Telegram Channels Saying?
Looking at the echoes coming from Moscow, we see a highly fragmented yet internally consistent picture. Channels run by some war correspondents interpreted the visit as “Washington’s fear of losing control and its frantic effort to prevent an imminent escalation.” More analytical circles close to the Kremlin, meanwhile, approached the issue through the rationality of the Cold War, in other words, as “crisis management between great powers.”
At the same time, Putin’s abrupt cancellation of an important event on his schedule precisely on the day of the visit is clear evidence of how seriously the Kremlin leadership took the messages Ratcliffe was carrying in his briefcase.
However, those who closely follow the dynamics on the ground know that these contacts are not limited to the issue of Ukraine. A multilayered and comprehensive bargaining package is on the table.
For example, the Middle East and Iran dossier was most likely discussed during the meeting, particularly in the context of efforts to prevent potential military and diplomatic friction with Russia in the region as the United States prepares to launch a new wave of economic and political pressure against Tehran.
And, of course, there is also the issue of prisoner exchanges, an indispensable element of this kind of closed-door diplomacy. It would not be difficult to assume that the Charles Zimmerman case also came up at the table.
Are New Red Lines Being Defined?
In short, these contacts should not be viewed as a search for peace or a move toward détente, but rather as an attempt to redefine the parameters of “controlled escalation.” A loyal intelligence bureaucrat capable of speaking directly with the White House came to Moscow and placed not only Washington’s demands but also the limits of its actual power on the table.
Intelligence channels are the last and most reliable safety valve available to states, no matter how far things spiral out of control on the battlefield. Ratcliffe’s move was an implicit challenge from Washington to Moscow along the following lines: “We can keep Ukraine within certain limits, but you must also stop pushing your military objectives along the European front any further.”
We will collectively observe and see the true repercussions of this backchannel bargaining in the coming weeks, both in the parties’ military deployments and in the shifts in tone of their diplomatic language. As is well known, this is a classic feature of the Russian diplomatic tradition: the harsher the tone becomes behind closed doors, the more limited the information that leaks to the outside world. Accordingly, we will see the consequences of that eight-hour private meeting clearly reflected in regional theaters before long. (Translated GPT-5.6 Luna)
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